Social Institutions: Continuity and Change — Caste, Tribe, Family and Kinship

Institutions are the patterned, lasting arrangements through which a society organises marriage, work, inheritance and belonging. This chapter takes three of the most important in India — caste, tribe, and family and kinship — and asks the same two questions of each: what has continued, and what has changed? Caste is traced from its classical form through the colonial census to its very different visibility for different groups today. Tribal communities are classified, the idea of a "tribe" itself is examined, and the tension between national development and tribal interests is set out. Family forms are shown to be far more varied than the stereotype of the joint family suggests, with the Khasi of Meghalaya as the book's case of matriliny.

Caste — Past, Colonial and Present

Caste is an English word for two distinct Indian terms: varna, the fourfold classification into Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishya and Shudra (with groups considered "outcastes" excluded from it), and jati, the many local, regional and hereditary groups that form the actual units of the system. The book lists the features of caste as an institution: membership is determined by birth; it involves strict rules about marriage (caste groups are endogamous); it involves rules about food and food-sharing; it is a hierarchy of rank and status; castes are internally divided into sub-castes, a segmental organisation; and castes were traditionally linked to occupations. Caste rests on two sets of principles: difference and separation, and wholism and hierarchy — each caste kept apart from others, yet all ranked within a single order governed by ideas of purity and pollution.

  • The colonial census: the British tried to count and classify caste. The 1901 census, directed by Herbert Risley, was particularly important because it sought to record the social hierarchy of castes — their order of precedence in each region. This prompted many castes to petition the census to be ranked higher, making caste identities more rigid and more political.
  • Land revenue settlements and related laws gave legal recognition to the customary rights of the upper castes over land.
  • The Government of India Act, 1935 gave legal recognition to the lists or "schedules" of castes and tribes marked out for special treatment by the state — the origin of the terms Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.
  • The dominant caste: M. N. Srinivas used this term for castes that are numerically large, own land, and hold political power in a region — the book names groups such as the Jats of Punjab, Haryana and western Uttar Pradesh, the Yadavs of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, the Vokkaligas of Karnataka, the Reddys and Khammas of Andhra Pradesh, the Marathas of Maharashtra and the Patidars of Gujarat. Srinivas also coined Sanskritisation, treated in the chapter on cultural change.

After independence, the state was committed to abolishing caste distinctions, yet it also had to recognise caste in order to undo historical injustice, through reservations for Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and, later, Other Backward Classes. The book draws out a striking contrast in the present. For the urban, upper-caste middle and upper classes, caste can appear to have become "invisible": having already converted the advantages of caste into education, property and professional networks, they can describe themselves as casteless and stress merit. For Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and backward classes, caste has become more visible, because their identity as members of these groups is the basis on which they claim constitutional protection. Caste has thus changed its form — weakening in ritual, persisting in marriage and inequality, and growing in politics — rather than simply disappearing.

Tribal Communities — Classification, Concept and Development

"Tribe" is a modern term for communities that are very old inhabitants of the subcontinent. The book notes that tribes are classified on the basis of permanent traits — region, language, physical characteristics and ecological habitat — and acquired traits — mode of livelihood and the extent of incorporation into Hindu society. By language, tribes belong to four families: Indo-Aryan, Dravidian, Austric and Tibeto-Burman. They vary enormously in size, from very small groups to some of the largest — the book mentions the Gonds, Bhils, Santhals, Oraons, Minas, Bodos and Mundas. By livelihood they range from fishermen, food gatherers and hunters and shifting cultivators to settled peasants and plantation and industrial workers. The largest concentrations are in central India and the North-East.

The concept itself has a career. Scholars once imagined tribes as isolated, "primitive" communities untouched by civilisation; the book explains that this view has been abandoned, and that many tribes are better understood as secondary formations — shaped by long contact, often exploitative, with neighbouring states and caste society. Around independence a sharp debate on tribal policy divided opinion. One side argued that tribes needed protection — from traders, moneylenders and missionaries who would reduce them to landless labour — and this view is associated with the anthropologist Verrier Elwin. The other side argued that tribes were simply part of Indian society, "backward" sections to be integrated, a view associated with the sociologist G. S. Ghurye. The policy that emerged spoke of integration while promising protection of tribal land and culture.

National development versus tribal development. Many development projects — large dams, mines and industries — were located in tribal regions, rich in forests and minerals. The book cites the Sardar Sarovar dam on the Narmada and the Polavaram dam on the Godavari, which displace large numbers of tribal people. The state's control of forests, begun under colonial rule, cut tribes off from resources they had depended on, and the inflow of non-tribal settlers in some regions made tribal people minorities in their own lands. These pressures fed assertions of tribal identity: the long movements that led to the formation of Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh as separate states in 2000, and political struggles in the North-East. A small but significant educated tribal middle class has also emerged.

Family and Kinship — Variation, Matriliny and Change

Ways of classifying families
BasisTypes
StructureNuclear — one set of parents and their children; extended (commonly called joint) — more than one couple, often more than two generations, living together
ResidenceMatrilocal — the couple lives with the wife's parents; patrilocal — with the husband's parents
Descent and inheritanceMatrilineal — property passes from mother to daughter; patrilineal — from father to son
AuthorityMatriarchal — women hold authority and dominate decision-making; patriarchal — men do

The Khasi of Meghalaya are the book's example of matriliny: inheritance passes from mother to daughter, and the youngest daughter often keeps the ancestral house. Yet matriliny is not matriarchy. Authority over property and the family is exercised by men — above all the mother's brother — so control and ownership are separated. Khasi men are torn between their duties to their natal family, where they act as brothers and maternal uncles, and to their wife and children; the book notes that this tension weighs more heavily on women, who own the property but do not control it. More generally, the chapter warns against two myths: that the joint family was the universal traditional form, and that it has simply given way to the nuclear family. Family forms have always varied by region, caste and class, and they change in many directions.

⚠️ Lineal is about descent; archal is about power
"-lineal" words describe how property and descent pass; "-archal" words describe who holds authority; "-local" words describe where a couple lives. A society can be matrilineal and still patriarchal in authority, as the Khasi case shows. Statements that slide from "property passes through women" to "women rule" are the commonest trap here.

Key takeaways

  • Varna is the fourfold classification; jati is the many local hereditary groups. Caste is fixed by birth, endogamous, hierarchical, segmental and linked to occupation.
  • The 1901 census under Herbert Risley tried to record caste hierarchy; the Government of India Act, 1935 gave legal recognition to the "schedules" of castes and tribes.
  • M. N. Srinivas: a dominant caste is numerically large, landowning and politically powerful in a region.
  • Caste seems "invisible" to the urban upper-caste middle class but is more visible for groups claiming constitutional protection.
  • Tribes are classified by permanent traits (region, language, physical traits, habitat) and acquired traits (livelihood, incorporation into Hindu society).
  • The tribal-policy debate set protection (associated with Verrier Elwin) against integration (associated with G. S. Ghurye); Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh became states in 2000.
  • The Khasi are matrilineal but not matriarchal: women inherit, while the mother's brother holds authority.

Practice questions (8)

Attempt each one before opening the answer. Every explanation names the tempting wrong option as well as the right one, because that is where marks are lost.

  1. The census of 1901, directed by Herbert Risley, is especially significant in the history of caste because it:

    1. Abolished untouchability by law
    2. Introduced reservations for lower castes in government jobs
    3. Counted religion but left caste out
    4. Sought to record the social hierarchy of castes
    Show answer

    Answer: D — Sought to record the social hierarchy of castes

    The 1901 census tried to establish the social order of precedence among castes in each region, which led many castes to petition for a higher rank and made caste identities more rigid. It did not abolish untouchability — that came with Article 17 of the Constitution — and reservations in their constitutional form belong to independent India.
  2. Legal recognition to the lists or "schedules" of castes and tribes marked out for special treatment by the state was first given by:

    1. The Caste Disabilities Removal Act, 1850
    2. The Government of India Act, 1935
    3. The Constitution of India, 1950
    4. The Indian Councils Act, 1909
    Show answer

    Answer: B — The Government of India Act, 1935

    The Government of India Act of 1935 gave legal recognition to the schedules, which is where the terms Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes come from. The Constitution is the tempting choice because it carries the schedules forward, but it built on the 1935 lists rather than creating them. The 1850 Act dealt with rights lost through change of religion or caste.
  3. M. N. Srinivas used the term "dominant caste" for a caste that, in a particular region, is:

    1. Numerically large, landowning and politically powerful
    2. Highest in ritual purity, even if small and landless
    3. Engaged mainly in trade and banking
    4. Listed in a government schedule
    Show answer

    Answer: A — Numerically large, landowning and politically powerful

    For Srinivas, dominance came from numbers, ownership of land and political power — typically landowning intermediate castes such as the Jats, Yadavs, Vokkaligas, Reddys, Marathas and Patidars. The ritual-purity option is the trap: a caste can rank highest in ritual terms without being dominant in Srinivas's sense, because dominance is about land and power.
  4. In the classification of tribal communities, which of the following is an "acquired" rather than a "permanent" trait?

    1. Region
    2. Language
    3. Mode of livelihood
    4. Ecological habitat
    Show answer

    Answer: C — Mode of livelihood

    The book lists region, language, physical characteristics and ecological habitat as permanent traits, and mode of livelihood and the extent of incorporation into Hindu society as acquired traits. Habitat is the likeliest slip, because it seems connected to livelihood; but habitat describes where a community lives, while livelihood describes how it makes a living, which can change.
  5. Assertion (A): Among the Khasi of Meghalaya, property passes from mother to daughter. Reason (R): Khasi society is matriarchal, with women holding authority over property and family decisions.

    1. Both A and R are true, and R is the correct explanation of A
    2. Both A and R are true, but R is not the correct explanation of A
    3. A is true, but R is false
    4. A is false, but R is true
    Show answer

    Answer: C — A is true, but R is false

    The Khasi are matrilineal, so A is true. But matriliny is not matriarchy: authority over property and the family lies with men, especially the mother's brother, so R is false. Reading inheritance through women as rule by women is precisely the confusion the book uses the Khasi case to correct.
  6. Consider the following statements about caste as described in the NCERT book:
    1. Caste membership is determined by birth.
    2. Caste groups are endogamous.
    3. Castes were never associated with particular occupations.
    Which of the statements given above are correct?

    1. 1 only
    2. 2 and 3 only
    3. 1, 2 and 3
    4. 1 and 2 only
    Show answer

    Answer: D — 1 and 2 only

    The book lists membership by birth and endogamy among the features of caste, so the first two statements are correct. The third is false: castes were traditionally linked to occupations, even though the link has weakened. A candidate who remembers that occupations now change freely can be tempted to accept the third statement, but it describes the past, where the link was strong.
  7. In the debate on tribal policy around independence, the view that tribal communities needed protection from traders, moneylenders and missionaries is most closely associated with:

    1. Verrier Elwin
    2. G. S. Ghurye
    3. Herbert Risley
    4. M. N. Srinivas
    Show answer

    Answer: A — Verrier Elwin

    The protectionist position is associated with the anthropologist Verrier Elwin. G. S. Ghurye is the obvious trap because he belongs to the same debate — but on the other side, arguing that tribes were "backward" sections of Indian society to be integrated. Risley is associated with the 1901 census and Srinivas with Sanskritisation and the dominant caste.
  8. In a patrilocal family, a newly married couple lives:

    1. With the wife's parents
    2. With the husband's parents
    3. In a separate home away from both sets of parents
    4. With the wife's maternal uncle
    Show answer

    Answer: B — With the husband's parents

    "-local" terms describe residence: in a patrilocal family the couple lives with the husband's parents, and in a matrilocal one with the wife's parents. A separate home away from both is the pattern of a nuclear household, which is a matter of structure rather than of where a couple settles in relation to kin. Mixing up -local, -lineal and -archal is the trap to avoid.