Regional Aspirations — Kashmir, Punjab, the North-East and the Approach of Accommodation

India’s diversity has repeatedly produced regional aspirations — demands for autonomy, for recognition of a language or culture, for a fairer share of resources, and sometimes for separation. The book’s central point is about India’s approach: rather than treating every regional demand as anti-national, Indian democracy has generally tried to accommodate such demands through negotiation and constitutional arrangements, while holding firm against secession. This chapter takes the main cases — Jammu and Kashmir, Punjab, the North-East and the Dravidian movement — and the lessons the book draws. Questions are typically "which accord settled which movement, and when" and "who led which movement".

Jammu and Kashmir

Jammu and Kashmir comprised three regions — Jammu, the Kashmir valley and Ladakh — with very different social and cultural profiles. Before 1947 it was a princely state ruled by Maharaja Hari Singh, who did not want to join either India or Pakistan. A popular movement against his rule had been led by Sheikh Abdullah and his party, the National Conference. In October 1947 raiders from Pakistan’s side invaded the state, and the Maharaja asked India for military help; India agreed after he signed the Instrument of Accession, and Sheikh Abdullah became head of the state’s government. The matter was taken to the UN, and part of the territory remained under Pakistan’s control.

Under Article 370 of the Constitution, Jammu and Kashmir was given greater autonomy than other states, with its own constitution. The book records that views on it differed: one view held that special status kept the state from fully integrating with India and that it should be ended; another held that the autonomy given was not enough and that it had been eroded over time. The state’s politics saw the dismissal of Sheikh Abdullah in 1953, his return as Chief Minister in 1975 after an accord with the centre, disputed elections in 1987, and from 1989 an armed insurgency, with which the government held that Pakistan was involved. In August 2019 the central government, with the approval of Parliament, made Article 370 inoperative and reorganised the state into two union territories — Jammu and Kashmir, and Ladakh — through the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Act, 2019; in December 2023 the Supreme Court upheld the abrogation. Supporters presented the change as completing the state’s integration; critics questioned the manner in which it was done.

Punjab, and the Dravidian Movement

After the reorganisation of 1966 created a Punjabi-speaking state, the Akali Dal came to power in Punjab. In 1973 its Anandpur Sahib Resolution asserted regional autonomy and sought to redefine centre–state relations; its supporters saw it as a demand for federalism, while some read it as a demand for a separate Sikh nation. In the early 1980s the movement passed from moderate leaders to armed militants, who made the Golden Temple in Amritsar their headquarters. In June 1984 the government launched "Operation Blue Star" to flush them out, which damaged the shrine and deeply hurt Sikh sentiment. On 31 October 1984 Indira Gandhi was assassinated by her Sikh bodyguards, and in the violence that followed, many Sikhs were killed in Delhi and elsewhere. In July 1985 Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and the Akali leader Harchand Singh Longowal signed the Punjab Accord (the Rajiv Gandhi–Longowal Accord), a step towards normalcy, though violence continued for some years before peace returned in the mid-1990s.

In the south, the Dravidian movement began under E.V. Ramasami, "Periyar", against the dominance of Brahmins and of the north, and for Tamil identity. Its political successor, the DMK, led protests against the imposition of Hindi as the official language — the anti-Hindi agitation of 1965 — and came to power in Madras in 1967. The book uses this case to show how a movement that once spoke of separation turned to democratic politics: Dravidian parties have since governed Tamil Nadu and taken part in coalitions at the centre.

The North-East

The region now made up of the "seven sisters" — Assam, Meghalaya, Manipur, Tripura, Nagaland, Mizoram and Arunachal Pradesh — joined later by Sikkim, which became a state of India in 1975 after a referendum — is linked to the rest of India by a narrow corridor and borders several countries. The book groups its politics under three issues: demands for autonomy, movements for secession, and opposition to "outsiders". Several states were carved out of Assam to meet demands for autonomy by non-Assamese groups.

Movements in the North-East and how they were settled
MovementWhat it demandedOutcome
Mizo movement — Mizo National Front (MNF), led by LaldengaBegan an armed struggle for independence in 1966, after resentment at the government’s response to a famine in the Mizo hillsMizo Accord (1986) signed by Rajiv Gandhi and Laldenga; Mizoram became a state in 1987 with Laldenga as Chief Minister
Naga movement — led by Angami Zapu PhizoThe Naga National Council under Phizo declared independence from India on 14 August 1947, refused to accept the Union, and later turned to armed struggleA section signed an agreement with the government; Nagaland became a state in 1963, but the issue was not fully settled
Assam movement (1979–85) — led by the All Assam Students’ Union (AASU)Against "outsiders" — the detection and deportation of illegal migrants, mainly from BangladeshAssam Accord (1985) with the Rajiv Gandhi government; the movement’s leaders formed the Asom Gana Parishad, which won the state elections
ℹ️ Goa — liberated in 1961, a state in 1987
Goa, Daman and Diu remained under Portuguese rule after 1947. In December 1961 the Indian army moved in and the territory was liberated. The question of merging Goa with Maharashtra was settled by a special opinion poll in January 1967, the only one of its kind, in which a majority voted to keep Goa separate; Goa became a full state in 1987.
  • Lesson 1 — regional aspirations are part of democratic politics, not a sign of disloyalty.
  • Lesson 2 — the best way to respond is through democratic negotiation rather than suppression; the accords of the 1980s show this.
  • Lesson 3 — power-sharing, giving regions and their parties a role in decision-making, strengthens unity.
  • Lesson 4 — regional imbalance in economic development feeds a sense of discrimination and must be addressed.
  • Lesson 5 — the Constitution’s flexibility, including special provisions for some states, allows diversity to be accommodated.

Key takeaways

  • India’s approach: accommodate regional aspirations through negotiation and constitutional arrangements, while resisting secession.
  • Kashmir: Maharaja Hari Singh signed the Instrument of Accession in October 1947; Sheikh Abdullah’s National Conference; Article 370; insurgency from 1989; reorganisation into two union territories in August 2019, upheld by the Supreme Court in 2023.
  • Punjab: Anandpur Sahib Resolution 1973; Operation Blue Star June 1984; Indira Gandhi assassinated 31 October 1984; Rajiv Gandhi–Longowal Accord July 1985.
  • Dravidian movement: Periyar; the DMK and the anti-Hindi agitation of 1965; DMK in power in 1967.
  • North-East: Mizo Accord 1986 (Laldenga), Mizoram a state 1987; Phizo and the Naga movement, Nagaland 1963; Assam movement led by AASU, Assam Accord 1985, AGP.
  • Sikkim became a state in 1975; Goa was liberated in 1961, chose to stay separate in the 1967 opinion poll, and became a state in 1987.

Practice questions (8)

Attempt each one before opening the answer. Every explanation names the tempting wrong option as well as the right one, because that is where marks are lost.

  1. The Punjab Accord of July 1985 was signed between Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and:

    1. Laldenga
    2. Harchand Singh Longowal
    3. Prafulla Kumar Mahanta
    4. Sheikh Abdullah
    Show answer

    Answer: B — Harchand Singh Longowal

    The Punjab Accord is also called the Rajiv Gandhi–Longowal Accord, after the Akali leader Harchand Singh Longowal. Rajiv Gandhi signed several accords in 1985–86, which is the trap: Laldenga signed the Mizo Accord, and the Assam Accord was with the leaders of the Assam movement.

  2. The Assam movement of 1979–85 was mainly directed against:

    1. The imposition of Hindi as the official language
    2. The merger of Assam with Bangladesh
    3. The presence of illegal migrants regarded as "outsiders"
    4. Military rule imposed on the state
    Show answer

    Answer: C — The presence of illegal migrants regarded as "outsiders"

    Led by the All Assam Students’ Union, the movement demanded the detection and deportation of illegal migrants, mainly from Bangladesh, and ended with the Assam Accord of 1985. Opposition to the imposition of Hindi is the Dravidian movement in Tamil Nadu, a different region and a different grievance.

  3. Match List I (leader) with List II (movement or party):
    List I: A. Laldenga B. Angami Zapu Phizo C. Sheikh Abdullah D. Periyar
    List II: 1. National Conference 2. Mizo National Front 3. Dravidian movement 4. Naga movement

    1. A-4, B-2, C-1, D-3
    2. A-2, B-4, C-3, D-1
    3. A-2, B-1, C-4, D-3
    4. A-2, B-4, C-1, D-3
    Show answer

    Answer: D — A-2, B-4, C-1, D-3

    Laldenga led the Mizo National Front, Phizo the Naga movement, Sheikh Abdullah the National Conference in Kashmir, and Periyar the Dravidian movement. The first option swaps the two north-eastern leaders, the likeliest confusion since both led armed movements in neighbouring hill regions.

  4. The Anandpur Sahib Resolution of 1973, passed by the Akali Dal, is best described as:

    1. An agreement ending militancy in Punjab
    2. A demand for the merger of Punjab and Haryana
    3. A resolution asserting regional autonomy and redefining centre–state relations
    4. A resolution accepting Hindi as the official language
    Show answer

    Answer: C — A resolution asserting regional autonomy and redefining centre–state relations

    The resolution asserted regional autonomy and sought to redefine centre–state relations; its supporters read it as a federal demand, some others as a demand for separation. The agreement that sought to end the crisis was the Punjab Accord of 1985, twelve years later — the first option confuses the two.

  5. Arrange the following in chronological order:
    A. Mizo Accord
    B. Operation Blue Star
    C. Anti-Hindi agitation in Tamil Nadu
    D. Anandpur Sahib Resolution

    1. C, D, B, A
    2. D, C, B, A
    3. C, B, D, A
    4. C, D, A, B
    Show answer

    Answer: A — C, D, B, A

    The anti-Hindi agitation peaked in 1965, the Anandpur Sahib Resolution was passed in 1973, Operation Blue Star took place in June 1984, and the Mizo Accord was signed in 1986. The 1980s events are close together; Blue Star came two years before the Mizo Accord.

  6. Goa’s future relationship with Maharashtra was decided in January 1967 by:

    1. A decision of the Supreme Court
    2. An act of the Portuguese parliament
    3. The report of the States Reorganisation Commission
    4. A special opinion poll of the people of Goa
    Show answer

    Answer: D — A special opinion poll of the people of Goa

    A special opinion poll in January 1967 — the only one of its kind in India — let the people of Goa decide, and the majority chose to remain separate from Maharashtra. The States Reorganisation Commission reported in 1955, when Goa was still under Portuguese rule, so it could not have settled the question.

  7. Consider the following statements about the Mizo movement:
    1. The Mizo National Front began an armed struggle in 1966.
    2. After the Mizo Accord, Mizoram became a state with Laldenga as its Chief Minister.
    Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

    1. Only 1
    2. Only 2
    3. Both 1 and 2
    4. Neither 1 nor 2
    Show answer

    Answer: C — Both 1 and 2

    Both are correct. The MNF took up arms in 1966, and the 1986 accord with Rajiv Gandhi brought it into constitutional politics: Mizoram became a state in 1987 and Laldenga, its former insurgent leader, became Chief Minister — the book’s clearest example of accommodation.

  8. Which of the following is a lesson the book draws from the experience of regional movements in India?

    1. Regional demands are best met by democratic negotiation and power-sharing
    2. Every regional demand is a threat to national unity
    3. Regional parties should be banned from contesting national elections
    4. The Constitution should not contain any special provisions for states
    Show answer

    Answer: A — Regional demands are best met by democratic negotiation and power-sharing

    The book concludes that regional aspirations are part of democratic politics and are best handled through negotiation, accommodation and power-sharing, as the accords of the 1980s show. Treating every regional demand as a threat to unity is precisely the view it argues against.