Bricks, Beads and Bones — the Harappan Civilisation
Mohenjodaro — a Planned Urban Centre
Mohenjodaro, in Sindh, is the best-known Harappan city. It was divided into two sections: a smaller but higher Citadel to the west and a much larger Lower Town to the east. The Citadel owed its height to buildings constructed on mud-brick platforms, and it was walled. On it stood structures that were probably used for special public purposes, among them the so-called warehouse and the Great Bath — a large rectangular tank in a courtyard, made watertight with bricks set in mortar and a layer of bitumen, with steps on two sides and rooms around it. Scholars suggest it was meant for some kind of special ritual bath.
- Planning first, building second: the settlement was planned and then built — platforms were laid before houses, and roads and streets were laid out along an approximate grid pattern, intersecting at right angles.
- Standardised bricks: sun-dried or baked bricks had a standard ratio — length four times the height and breadth twice the height (1:2:4) — across Harappan settlements.
- Drains: among the most distinctive features — every house was connected to street drains, which had covers and were laid along streets; it appears streets with drains were laid out first and houses built along them.
- Domestic architecture: houses were centred on a courtyard; there were no windows in walls along the ground level, and the main entrance gave no direct view of the interior — a concern with privacy. Many houses had a bathroom paved with bricks and a well.
Crafts, Raw Materials, Seals, Script and Weights
Chanhudaro, a tiny settlement in Sindh, was almost exclusively devoted to craft production — bead-making, shell-cutting, metal-working, seal-making and weight-making. Beads were made of carnelian, jasper, crystal, quartz and steatite, of copper, bronze and gold, and of shell, faience and terracotta. Nageshwar and Balakot, near the coast, were specialised centres for shell objects such as bangles, ladles and inlay.
| Material | Source named in the evidence |
|---|---|
| Lapis lazuli | Shortughai, in Afghanistan, near the best source |
| Carnelian | Bharuch, Gujarat (Lothal lay near it) |
| Copper | Khetri region, Rajasthan (Ganeshwar-Jodhpura culture); also Oman |
| Gold | South India, reached by expeditions |
| Steatite | South Rajasthan and north Gujarat |
Long-distance contact reached Oman, whose copper carries traces of nickel that match Harappan artefacts, and Mesopotamia, whose texts of the third millennium BCE mention contact with regions called Dilmun (probably Bahrain), Magan (probably Oman) and Meluhha — possibly the Harappan region — and list its products, such as carnelian, lapis lazuli, copper, gold and varieties of wood. Seals of stone, usually steatite, carry an animal motif and signs from the script; they were used to stamp clay on bags of goods, certifying the sender. The script remains undeciphered. It was not alphabetic — it has between about 375 and 400 signs — most inscriptions are short, and it was written from right to left, since some seals show wider spacing on the right and cramped signs on the left. Exchanges were regulated by weights of chert, usually cubical, with no markings; the lower denominations were binary (1, 2, 4, 8, 16, 32 …) and the higher ones followed the decimal system.
Discovering the Harappans, and the End of the Mature Phase
- 1861Archaeological Survey of India set up; Alexander Cunningham, its first Director-General, later visited Harappa but did not realise how old it was
- 1921Daya Ram Sahni found seals at Harappa
- 1922Rakhal Das Banerji found similar seals at Mohenjodaro
- 1924John Marshall, Director-General of the ASI, announced the discovery of a new civilisation in the Indus valley
- 1944R.E.M. Wheeler became Director-General and insisted on following the stratigraphy of a mound
Marshall dug along regular horizontal units measured uniformly across the mound, ignoring its stratigraphy, so artefacts from different layers were grouped together and their context lost; Wheeler, an army brigadier, brought precision by following the layers instead. After 1947 most major sites lay in Pakistan, and Indian archaeologists located sites in India — among them Kalibangan, Lothal, Rakhigarhi and Dholavira.
By c. 1800 BCE most Mature Harappan sites in regions such as Cholistan had been abandoned, while population expanded into new settlements in Gujarat, Haryana and western Uttar Pradesh. In the Late Harappan settlements the distinctive artefacts — weights, seals, special beads — disappear, writing, long-distance trade and craft specialisation decline, and building techniques deteriorate. The explanations offered include climatic change, deforestation, excessive floods, the shifting or drying up of rivers, and overuse of the landscape; some apply to particular settlements but none accounts for the whole collapse, and many scholars see the end of a unifying element — perhaps the Harappan state — as the deeper change. Wheeler once read skeletons at Mohenjodaro as victims of a massacre by invaders; the archaeologist George Dales later showed that the bones did not belong to one period and that there was no destruction level, so the "massacre" was not borne out by the evidence.
Key takeaways
- The Mature Harappan phase is dated c. 2600–1900 BCE; the civilisation is named after Harappa, the first site discovered.
- Kalibangan gave a ploughed field; Banawali and Cholistan gave plough models; Shortughai canals; Dholavira reservoirs.
- Mohenjodaro had a higher Citadel to the west and a larger Lower Town to the east; bricks followed a 1:2:4 ratio and houses joined covered street drains.
- Chanhudaro was devoted to crafts; lapis came from Shortughai, copper from Khetri and Oman; Mesopotamian texts name Dilmun, Magan and Meluhha.
- The script is undeciphered, non-alphabetic (about 375–400 signs) and written right to left; chert weights were binary in the lower denominations.
- Daya Ram Sahni (Harappa, 1921) and R.D. Banerji (Mohenjodaro, 1922) found the seals; Marshall announced the civilisation in 1924; Wheeler insisted on stratigraphy.
- On rulers, on the "priest-king" and on the decline, the evidence supports several readings; the book presents them as a debate.
Practice questions (8)
Attempt each one before opening the answer. Every explanation names the tempting wrong option as well as the right one, because that is where marks are lost.
Evidence of a ploughed field, with two sets of furrows at right angles to each other, has been found at:
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Answer: C — Kalibangan
Kalibangan in Rajasthan gave the ploughed field, associated with Early Harappan levels, and the crossing furrows suggest two crops grown together. Banawali is the trap: it yielded a terracotta model of a plough, not a field. Shortughai is known for canal traces and Lothal for craft and its large basin.Harappan bricks, whether sun-dried or baked, were of a standardised ratio. Their length, breadth and height stood in the proportion:
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Answer: A — 4 : 2 : 1
Length was four times the height and breadth twice the height, so length : breadth : height = 4 : 2 : 1, the ratio usually written 1:2:4. It held across Harappan settlements, which is one of the arguments for a single authority. The other ratios are plausible-looking proportions that no Harappan brick standard followed.Which of the following statements about the Harappan script is correct?
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Answer: D — It was non-alphabetic, of roughly 375–400 signs, and written from right to left
With some 375 to 400 signs the script was too large to be an alphabet, and the cramped spacing on the left of some seals shows it ran from right to left. It has not been deciphered at all, so the bilingual-seal option describes a key that has never been found; left-to-right is the direction of Brahmi, a much later script.Match the Harappan site with what it is chiefly known for. A. Chanhudaro B. Shortughai C. Dholavira D. Nageshwar — 1. Water reservoirs 2. Craft production, almost exclusively 3. Shell objects 4. Lapis lazuli source area
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Answer: B — A-2, B-4, C-1, D-3
Chanhudaro was a small settlement given over almost entirely to crafts; Shortughai, in Afghanistan, lay near the best source of lapis lazuli; Dholavira is known for its reservoirs; Nageshwar, near the coast, specialised in shell objects. The commonest slip swaps Shortughai and Dholavira because both are linked with water — Shortughai for canal traces, Dholavira for reservoirs.Arrange the following in chronological order: (A) R.E.M. Wheeler becomes Director-General of the ASI (B) Daya Ram Sahni finds seals at Harappa (C) John Marshall announces a new civilisation (D) Alexander Cunningham becomes the first Director-General of the ASI
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Answer: D — D, B, C, A
Cunningham headed the ASI from its founding in 1861; Sahni found seals at Harappa in 1921; Marshall announced the civilisation in 1924; Wheeler became Director-General in 1944. Putting Marshall's announcement before Sahni's find reverses cause and effect — the announcement was possible only because the seals from Harappa and then Mohenjodaro had been recognised as belonging together.Assertion (A): Archaeologists named a stone statue from Mohenjodaro the "priest-king". Reason (R): Inscriptions on the statue identify it as a ruler who also performed rituals.
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Answer: C — A is true, but R is false
The label is real, but it came from analogy: archaeologists familiar with Mesopotamia and its priest-kings applied the name to the statue. Since the Harappan script cannot be read, no inscription could identify the figure, so R is false. Choosing "R is the correct explanation" mistakes an interpretation for a reading of the evidence, which is exactly what the book warns against.The lower denominations of Harappan weights, usually cubical blocks of chert with no markings, followed which system?
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Answer: B — Binary — 1, 2, 4, 8, 16, 32
The smaller weights doubled at each step — 1, 2, 4, 8, 16, 32 and so on — while the higher denominations followed the decimal system. The decimal option is half-right, true of the larger weights only, which is why it tempts. A sexagesimal count belongs to Mesopotamia, and the regularity of the weights rules out a set fixed by each owner.Wheeler once argued that skeletons found at Mohenjodaro were victims of a massacre by invaders. Why do historians no longer accept this?
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Answer: C — Re-examination showed the bones were not of one period and found no destruction level
George Dales showed that the skeletons came from different phases of occupation and that there was no layer of burning or destruction marking a single catastrophe, so the evidence did not support a massacre. The inscription option fails because the script cannot be read, and Mesopotamian texts mention Meluhha as a trading partner, saying nothing about its defence.
Social Differences, Rulers and Religion — Where Interpretation Begins
Archaeologists look for social difference in burials and in artefacts. Burials were in pits, some lined with bricks; some contained pottery and ornaments, a few copper mirrors — but on the whole Harappans did not bury precious things with the dead. Artefacts are classed as utilitarian (querns, ordinary pottery, needles) and luxuries — rare objects or ones made of costly, non-local materials or by complicated techniques, such as little pots of faience. Faience vessels are found mostly in large settlements like Mohenjodaro and Harappa and rarely in small ones.
Was there a ruler? The planning, the standard bricks and the organised craft suggest complex decisions were being taken and carried out. A large building at Mohenjodaro was labelled a palace by archaeologists, but no spectacular finds were associated with it, and a stone statue was labelled the "priest-king" because archaeologists were familiar with Mesopotamian history and its priest-kings — the name is an analogy, not a reading of evidence. Scholars hold three views: that there were no rulers and everyone enjoyed equal status; that there was no single ruler but several, Mohenjodaro having one, Harappa another, and so on; and that there was a single state, given the similarity of artefacts, the planned settlements, the standard brick ratio and the settlements near sources of raw material. The book notes that the last seems the most plausible as things stand, while it is unlikely that entire communities could take and carry out such complex decisions together.